A humor alert between Muslims and Arabs satisfies a comedy post 9/11. After 9/11, the humor engaged between Arabs and Muslims engrossing different recurring islamophobia types hovering in the US. The comedy includes both critique and humor deprecating that concern American society. In doing so, a wealth tradition of American ethical comedy continued by some minorities and negotiated the specific recognition of their ethnicity in the community. Although the comedy stands up to develop between Arabs and Muslims, there arises little analysis of literacy of it. I want to begin with pervasive and doctrine formation defining Islamophobia and exploring the relationship between Islamophobia and customary representations of Muslims and Arabs in the broadcast and public culture. Political activism is known as well as own narrative including historical opportunism as intricate and interrelated views of this comedy. I will also examine how both Muslims and Arabs comedians utilize humor in navigating the poles of their hyphenated selfhood and negotiating their possession in American society. Lastly, I will undersee how the comedy stands up reverses the communication and representation of Islamophobia by viewing the theory of carnivalesque by Mikhail Bakhtin (Cainkar 93).
In the aftermath of the terror attack in September 2011, some Arabs and Muslims comedians realized that dealing with assumptions about their circulation in American society and the broadcast domain was an appropriate and lucrative opportunity for political activism. Various comedy tours such as Allah made me funny, and some artists such as Ahmed Ahmed enjoyed to increase their success due to their partial combinations of self-expression of disapproval humor and review of the prejudice concerning Muslims and Arabs disseminating in American society. In the face to contend, Arabs and Muslims comedian realized that fun was a platform they can use to remark on the issues impacting their ethnicity and religious group. Similarly, these comedians have found a lope hole in making a living out of the rather employable genre. Considering the beginning of Arabs and Muslims foray in ethnical comedy, the more significant part of their audience consisted of fellow Americans, Arabs, and Muslims; their subsequent execution increasingly brought together people with diverse religious and ethnic context. This kit has a different recognition in both the Jews and Africans as a mean to negotiate assimilation and specific identification into the melting point of Americans (Rauf 194).
In this essay, delve into how both Arabs and Muslims stand-up comedians employ humor to address Islamophobia stereotype disseminate in the post 9/11 United States society. An extent discussion follows to which these comedians dispute and contest these stereotypes. Throughout the essay, I have highlighted the use of Arabs and Muslims since refers to performers I have studied. Indeed, they are the comedians that I have extensively examined from a unified ethical and religious collection set. In this section, I have provided a discussion of both the Arabs and Muslims comedy as a complex phenomenon that contains political activism and private recitation, response to exact historical circumstances, and the use of artistic chance of advancement. It is crucial to historicize Islamophobia and apprehend the political and ethical processes that underwrite the building of subjects as Muslim. These reveal the more significant political constraint that is in the war on terror hence linked the facts of domination and dissent. It is evident that politics in American states has remained influential for decades in shaping western ideas concerning Muslims in the civilized and international realms. A large number of neoconservative thought tanks had produced extensive literature legitimating the ideas campaigning against Islamic in the facilitation of programs of American political elite. In a further opinion of the link between neoconservative political approach and Islamophobia, the midpoint for American advance has recently reported that since 9/11, civic organizations of neoconservatives have supported both pseudo-intellectual and legal figures to proselytize concerning the danger of Islam followers to the US (Rauf 194).
These skit performance between Arabs and Muslims upholds the society convection in the United States. The idea that American culture is in a state of exception constructs the power elite while justifying the policy of Muslims and Arabs as a crucial condition of national security. Due to this construct, Americans are likely to re-enforce prejudices toward Muslims and Arabs, and prostrate to admit the perpetration of an insult on Muslims that would otherwise be unacceptable within the comfortable context and in global conflict. The personal freedom belonging to Muslims and Arabs has curtailed due to arise of scapegoating from domestic security policy.
In some cases, in the US society, people eventually proven to lack terrorist’s connections are held in detention without any formal charge for years. The fear of current unrealized ability of Arabs and Muslims threat relates the facts that most Americans initially are supportive of profiling policy racket. Although the 9/11 and the antecedent reactions of American elite in politics have aided the spread of Islamophobia, Islamophobia itself saturated with ideologies of uncertainty against Muslims that much earlier in the history had originated (Rauf 194).
Cainkar, Louise. “Migrations of Islam: Muslim American Voices in the 21st Century.” Journal of Islamic and Muslim Studies, vol. 1, no. 1, 2016, pp. 92-95.
Rauf, Feisal A. “The Relationship between the Muslim World and the United States and the Root of Islamophobia in America.” Journal of Ecumenical Studies, vol. 51, no. 2, 2016, pp. 189-197.